Rap music and its violent progeny: America's culture of violence in context

by The Journal of Negro Education (Feb 09, 01:56 AM)

Got me worried, stressin, my vision's blurried

The question is will I live? No one in the world loves me

I'm headed for danger, don't trust strangers

Put one in the chamber whenever I'm feelin this anger

Don't wanna make excuses, cause this is how it is

What's the use unless we're shootin no one notices the youth

It's just me against the world baby (Shakur, 1993)

Rap Music has been categorized as, "A cultural evolution of the Black
oral tradition and... [as] contemporary resistance rhetoric."
(Smitherman, 1997, p. 21)

America for all her protests against violent rap lyrics has failed to
acknowledge her role in the creation of this relatively new art form.
Evidence of America's preoccupation with violent activity is pervasive
and can be found, for example, in virtually all of the entertainment
industry. As a result, of the prevalence of violence in music, movies,
television and video games, America has nurtured an environment that
some have come to call a culture of violence. If there is in fact a
culture of violence, the true parent of rap lyrics is America herself,
who financially rewards the glamorization of behaviors deemed socially
unacceptable. Rap music, in this context, is merely another creative
expression that is an outgrowth of prevailing entertainment practices.

Rap music, however, is not in and of itself, a genre created solely
for profit. Deprivation and unequal opportunity nurtured the
hopelessness, distrust, and early death depicted in Tupac Shakur's
lyrics. America's urban centers in general and low-income minority
communities in particular, are replete with poverty, police brutality,
drug abuse, educational inequality, high dropout rates, and violence.
The very governmental and social systems theoretically established to
protect the poor, have engendered distrust. A sense of powerlessness
to change conditions grounded in complex social, political, and
economic issues has led artists to seek ways to express their
discontent. Rap music became a cathartic outlet. As noted by
Smitherman (1997), rap music has become a way for youth to voice their
dissatisfaction with society employing the heritage of the Black oral
tradition. Lyrics similar to those in the opening quote by Tupac, are
just one way America's children, and urban Black children in
particular, have chosen to articulate their anger and frustration with
mainstream society. Unfortunately in the case of Tupac, a young Black
urban male who was murdered, lyrics were more than a social
commentary, they were prophetic. Tupac became a victim of the very
violence he depicted in his music and in the process became a rap
icon.

Often the terms "rap music," "hip-hop," and "gangsta rap" are used
synonymously. While closely related, each has a distinct meaning.
Hip-hop is a broad term referring to a cultural movement among African
American youth that has influenced styles of clothing, music and other
forms of entertainment. Rap music, is rooted in the African tradition
of speaking rhythmically to a beat generally supplied by background
music. Grandmaster Flash and Kool Herc are credited with being
instrumental in the development of rap music as a distinct genre in
the 1970s, which at the time was party- oriented. In the early 1980s,
Grandmaster Flash used rap to call attention to the deplorable
conditions in inner cities. Gangsta rap grew out of Grandmaster
Flash's recording, "The Message," and became the focal point of
political controversy because of its explicit, violent lyrics in the
late 1980s and early 1990s. At its root, gangsta rap was following in
its predecessor's tradition because many songs protested police
brutality and highlighted the realities of the violence commonplace in
the communities of the artists (Center for Black Music Research,
2002). Also for purposes of clarification, youth culture in this
article refers to all young people irrespective of race and
socioeconomic status under the age of 18.

There is no denying that some sects of the adult culture find the
language in some rap lyrics offensive. However, just as other music
forms are not homogeneous, neither is rap music. It is far too
simplistic to portray rap artists as perpetuators of behavior deemed
socially deviant without placing the artists and their life
experiences in context. Instead, this article considers rap music as
just one expression of a well-established culture of violence. To this
end, the pervasiveness of violence and some of the social, economic,
and political responses to rap and the notoriety of gangsta rap are
examined to contextualize this music genre. Depictions of rap music in
literature are not intended to be an exhaustive review, but rather an
attempt to highlight the hypocritical scrutiny experienced by artists
and their music when compared to other music forms.

While episodes of violence litter the daily reality of some urban
youth, vicarious exposure to violence is also a function of the lives
of all America's children, primarily because of media exposure.
Pursuant to a Federal Trade Commission report (FTC, 2000), children in
the United States spend on average more than 38 hours per week exposed
to entertainment media, which includes television, music videos, video
games, and movies. Rap music, just one entertainment form, represents
a small segment of the multibillion-- dollar entertainment media
industry in America. Despite being only one of many music genres, rap
has captured the attention of youth across distinctions of race,
ethnicity, and socioeconomic class and catapulted its progenitors to
wealth. Part of the teen identification with lyrics appears to be
grounded in the features of adolescent identity development. Youth
look for models to shape their behavior and values (Anderson &
Cavallaro, 2002). Given the hours of exposure to real and fictitious
characters engaging in violent escapades and antisocial behavior,
youth come to believe violence is not only "normal" but also
admirable.

Whether rap is attractive because it speaks to one's personal reality
or represents a fascination with a foreign lifestyle, there is no
denying the economic, political, and social influence of this music.
In 1999, Americans purchased over $1.5 billion worth of rap and
hip-hop music (Yeoman, 2001). According to the Recording Industry
Association of America (RIAA), sales rose to $1.8 billion in 2000
(Rose, 2001). Meanwhile, the youth culture has created by virtue of
their support an unparalleled trajectory for rap artists and their
business partners replete with money, popularity, and fame.

The mass appeal of rap music and the potential influence of violent
lyrics brought this new music form to the attention of politicians,
academicians, sociologists, and psychologists. Considerable contact
with violence has heightened politicians', parents', and scholars'
concerns about the implications of the quality of entertainment images
youngsters consume. Critiques of the images consider race, class, and
gender in analyses of film (e.g., Dalton, 1999; Giroux, 1999; hooks,
1996; Muwzea, 1999; Tobin, 2000; Walkerdine, 1997; Wilson & Gutierrez,
1995), print media (e.g., Jamieson, 1996; Martindale, 1997),
television (e.g., Giroux, 1997), and music-particularly gangsta rap
music. As much as the adult society condemns rap music, critiques have
done little to minimize or detract from its popularity. In fact,
condemnation may have inadvertently increased popularity in teens
looking for ways to distinguish themselves from their parents.

The interest of writers, politicians, and scholars oscillate between
being incensed by the counter-hegemonic dimensions of this new art
form to being elated that the music is a cultural elixir for African
American communities. Others value dismantling the lyrics in the name
of scholarship. Rarely, however, is an evaluation of rap music placed
in the context of a society replete with violence in all its
entertainment forms.

RAP Music IN THE CONTEXT OF A VIOLENT CULTURE

Rap music is not synonymous with hip-hop but rather a subset of the
hip-hop culture (George, 1994; Smitherman, 1997). Hip-hop refers to a
cultural response from the working and lower income youth segment of
the African American community to perceptions of their economic and
social stigmatization (Tate, 1999). Speech patterns, dress, MCing
("mic controllers"), DJing ("disk jockeys"), graffiti writing, dance,
philosophies, and music are aspects of hip-hop culture (Arads 1999;
George, 1994; Fernando, Jr., 1999). Rap music is one cultural
expression of hip-hop, which provides what some deem a political
commentary on the tapestry of lower income African American urban life
(Dyson, 1994). With gangsta rap's emergence in the early 1990s,
society developed a heightened awaren\ess of rap music and hip-hop
culture. Literature does not consistently delineate the heterogeneity
of rap music. As a result, this article discusses rap music in a
generic sense and, when available in cited texts, separates specific
characteristics associated with gangsta rap in particular.

Gangsta rap gained notoriety, in part, due to its misogynous themes,
encouragement of hypermaterialism, violent lyrics, and the behavior of
some of its artists. However, antisocial behaviors, or activities
considered reprobate by predominant cultural norms (e.g., shooting
police officers or rival gang members) are symptoms of far more
complex and multifaceted issues than commonly acknowledged. Risk
factors such as poverty, drug and alcohol abuse, gang participation,
and pervasive violence in all forms of media have been blamed for the
10 children and teens that die every day in the United States.
Restated, one young life is lost every 2 1/2 hours due to violence
(Children's Defense Fund [CDF], 2002b). Manifestations of violence in
various forms of media and concerns about its influence on behavior
are not a new phenomenon, but rather an example of history repeating
itself. For example, there have been more than 30 Congressional
hearings since 1954 relative to "youth violence" and the entertainment
industry (Grier, 2001). Unfortunately, culpability for youth
fascination with violence has been narrowly ascribed to particular
ethnic or economically challenged groups instead of viewing youth
violence as a manifestation of serious economic, social, and emotional
deprivation. Consider for example the marketing strategies of the
entertainment industry.

Aggressive marketing of violent material to children and teens is
evident in all forms of media and is at least partially to blame for a
desensitized population. For example, by the time the average American
child reaches the age of 18, they have witnessed 16,000 simulated
murders and 200,000 acts of violence (CDF, 2002b; The Commission for
the Prevention of Youth Violence [CPYV], 2000). Some cartoons contain
as many as 80 violent acts per hour. Commercial television for
children contains 50-60 times more violence than primetime adult
television programs (CDF, 2002b). As per CPYV (2000), children
constantly exposed to carnage become desensitized and begin to accept
violence as a normal part of life to be imitated.

Based on a request by former President William Clinton, the FTC
conducted an investigation of the marketing practices applied by the
entertainment industry to attract the attention of children and teens
(as cited in Pitofsky, 2000). The report concluded that although the
industry had imposed a self-regulating system in the form of product
ratings and labeling, enforcement and adherence in marketing strategy
was minimal (see Table 1).

As noted, movies, video games, and music CDs all have rating systems.
Ratings are in theory designed to inform the viewing and purchasing
practices of consumers. However, individual corporations aggressively
market products with violent images to children that by their own
standards are age inappropriate. Marketers in the FTC study targeted
audiences under the age of 17 in 80% of the movies rated "R," 100% of
music with explicit lyrics, and 70% of video games. Elaborate
marketing plans, such as commercials, teen magazine ads, and popup
Internet ads expressly target youth under the age of 17. As a result,
underage youth's purchasing practices are minimally affected by the
entertainment industry's labeling system (FTC, 2000; Grier, 2001).

Exposure to media violence alone is not believed to cause socially
unacceptable behavior in children; however, it is believed to impose a
significantly negative influence on youth (FTC, 2000; Grier, 2001).
One of the reasons for concern about the relationship between exposure
to violence and violent activity are features of identity development
and social expectations in children. It is believed that children
shape their identities, values, and behaviors by drawing clues from
their environments. Role models, for purposes of this article, are
persons held in high esteem by children who possess characteristics,
skills, or attributes worthy of emulation. Inordinate exposure to
fictional and real images in television, video games, music videos,
sports, and movies provide an endless array of role model choices and
perhaps more importantly, cultural messages about acceptable practices
and behavior (Anderson & Cavallaro, 2002).

Concerns about the relationship between childhood emotional
development and role model emulation are supported by several FTC
reports that cite a high correlation between exposure to media
violence in its many forms and aggressive behavior in youth. Further,
extensive exposure to violent images has been linked to a
desensitization of the general public, as well as, youth culture,
which has yielded an increased acceptance of violent acts as "natural"
and expected (Grier, 2001). At least in part because of ubiquitous
exposure, violence has been deemed an epidemic in America and experts
have begun to acknowledge connections between vicarious exposure and
active participation.

Statistics further illustrate the unparalleled level of violence
American youth experience. For example, gun-related deaths of American
youth under the age of 15 are nearly 12 times higher than 25 similarly
industrialized nations combined (CDF, 2002a, 2002b; CPYV, 2000).
Gun-related homicide rates for children in the U.S. are more than two
times the rate of children killed by guns in Finland (CPYV, 2000). The
Center for Disease Control and Prevention (as cited in CDF, 2002a) and
the Federal Interagency Forum on Child and Family Statistics (2000)
report American children are at greater risk of being victims of
violence than children in similarly industrialized nations, such as
Finland and Great Britain. One of every eight persons murdered each
year in America is under the age of 18 and one of every 18 victims of
violent crime is under the age of 12 (CPYV, 2000). Violence under the
age of 18 is perpetrated not only by youth, but also by adults. The
data reflected here reveals only patterns of victimization to support
the thesis that violence in the United States is widespread. Mortality
and injury rates are disproportionately distributed by age, race, and
gender, as are many measures of economic deprivation. Consider Figures
1 and 2, which depict victimization rates by age and race.

TABLE 1

As reflected in Figures 1 and 2, teens (youth aged 12-17) are three
times more likely than adults to be violently victimized. While crime
rates have decreased radically since 1993, the group most apt to be
the victims of violent crime remains those between the ages of 12-19.
African Americans, when compared to Whites are more likely to be the
victims of violent crime (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2001). African
American females and males are 4-11 times at greater risk of being
killed than Caucasian children (CPYV, 2000). Lest the blame for
astronomical assaults be misplaced, it is important to note that while
some juvenile offenders are violent, less than 10% of "serious,
habitual violent offenders" are juveniles (CDF, 2002a, p. 3).

Given the high rates of death and violence, particularly from
firearms, the numbers of guns present in homes is also a concern.
Firearms outnumber children in the US nearly 3:1. Handguns began
claiming more lives than any other weapon around 1987. Between 1979
and 1998, gunfire killed 84,000 young people under the age of 18,
which is 36,000 more than the total number of American soldiers killed
in the Vietnam conflict (CDF, 2002b). Firearms accounted for 25% of
deaths in the 15-19 year old age group, most of which were homicides.
Caucasian youth deaths are most commonly associated with suicide,
while for African Americans and Hispanic Americans the cause of death
is most often homicide. Males are nearly twice as likely to be victims
of violent crime as opposed to females (Federal Interagency Forum on
Child and Family Statistics, 2000). As was the case with patterns of
victimization, the use of guns in homicides could also include adults.
However, even in the absence of disaggregated statistics, there is
evidence of disproportionate youth victimization by gender and race.

The costs of injuries and deaths caused by violence extend far beyond
individual victims and their families. According to the Physicians for
Social Responsibility (2002), health costs associated with gun
violence are approximately $100 billion annually. Health related
direct costs include medical treatment and rehabilitation. An example
of indirect costs would be lost wages (CPYV, 2000). With nearly 40% of
American homes equipped with at least one firearm, the potential for
the perpetuation of accidental and intentional deaths does not seem
likely to abate. Thus far, gun injuries have claimed 10 times the
childhood victims as the polio epidemic of the early 201 century
(Physicians for Social Responsibility, 2002). Further, more children
and teens in the U.S. died in gun-related violence in 1999 than from
the combined mortality accounted for by HIV/AIDS, cancer, pneumonia,
asthma, and influenza in the same year (CDF, 2002a). Perhaps these and
the many other costs associated with youth violence have prompted the
cognitive shift to categorize youth violence as a public health issue.
Consequently, public health agencies in the United States consider
violence an epidemic inextricably linked to the risk factors of
poverty, social injustice, and corporate greed, which are all
additive, complex, and interdependent (CPYV, 2000). Thus, the violence
depicted in rap music is an artistic expression obsessed with the very
social inadequacies that plague and are perpetuated in poor urban
communities.

Violence in Music

Violence in music is not by any means limited to rap or gangsta rap.
Folk and country music have conta\ined references to murder, killing
of police, and domestic violence for decades. Eric Clapton's popular
song "I Shot The Sheriff" (1974) Woodie Guthrie's "Pretty Boy Floyd"
(1987) in which a police officer is killed; and, Johnny Cash's "Folson
Prison Blues" (1968) that describes a murderer who kills someone just
to see him die are a few examples of violent lyrical content. Yet
despite the historical use of violent lyrics, country and folk artists
are rarely blamed for escalating murder and domestic violence rates
(Hershey-Webb, 1993).

FIGURE 1

FIGURE 2

White heavy metal musicians also have themes of violence in songs. For
example, consider a stanza from Metallica's 1983 song entitled, "No
Remorse":

Only the strong survive

No one to save the weaker race

We are ready to kill all comers

Like a loaded gun right at your face

Chorus:

War without end

No remorse, No repent

We don't care what it meant

Another day, Another death

Another sorrow, Another breath

No remorse, No repent

Heavy metal lyrics to "kill all comers" devoid of remorse are
evaluated in different contexts than gangsta rap's "Cop Killer" lyrics
by Ice T in the early 1990s. The American Academy of Pediatrics
Committee on Communications suggested that the relationship between
violent activity and heavy metal needed further study (Rose, 1991).
Conversely, rap music is subject to a markedly different analytical
approach. With as little researchbased data substantiating the
relationship between listening and action as heavy metal there are
calls for censorship of rap music-unlike any action taken against
folk, country, heavy metal, or any other genre (Rose, 1991). One need
only examine the transcripts of Congressional hearings to find
evidence of the vilification of rap artists in isolation of other
equally violent music forms (Hall, 1998; Mosley- Braun, 1994; Ogbar,
1999). Whether in the context of sociological studies or Congressional
hearings, calls for censorship appear rooted in the belief that rap
music poses a threat to mainstream society and requires containment,
while its White counterpart (heavy metal music) warrants mere
watchfulness. Before such negative pronouncements are categorically
applied it is worthwhile to consider not only the influence of
America's culture of violence on the creation of rap, but also the
conflict between the values rhetorically stated versus the practices
rewarded with fame and money.

Rap Music: An Overview

Depending upon the source, the roots of rap music can be traced back
to ancient African cultures. Evidence of the predecessors of
contemporary rap can be found in the artistic expressions of Bessie
Smith's lyrical speech to the beat of music and in the Last Poets and
Gil Scott-Heron's recordings of the 1970s. The contemporary art form
labeled rap music is urban in origin with New York City as its
epicenter, and provided political commentary on drugs, police
brutality, sex, and material deprivation (Dyson, 1994).

The mass appeal of rap music is generally considered to have begun in
1979. At the time the Sugar Hill Gang's "Rappers Delight" reached
number 36 on the Billboard charts and sold two million copies. In
1983, Run D.M.C. released the first rap album to be certified gold by
RIAA. Despite the popularity of rap, MTV did not broadcast rap videos
for the first several years of programming, which began in 1981. MTV
devoted its telecasts to rock and roll music videos targeting White
suburban teens. Minimal exposure of African American artists was
limited to rock and roll acts such as Tina Turner. It was not until
the airing of Michael Jackson's "Billie Jean" in the early 1980s that
African American rap and hip- hop artists markedly increased their
presence on the music network. There are conflicting accounts as to
why Michael Jackson's groundbreaking video was played, ranging from
threats by CBS Records to pull all its label videos from the MTV
broadcast line-up to MTV's recognition of the mass appeal of African
American artists (Fernando Jr., 1999; The Eighties Club, 2002).
Whatever the reason, the telecast of "Billie Jean" and its popularity
are widely viewed as a turning point in hip-hop and rap music video
access to mainstream media. Further evidence of the appeal of rap
music was demonstrated over time. While initially rap CDs were
purchased primarily by African American youth, as of 1999, 7 out of 10
of the teens that purchased rap music CDs and tapes were White youth
(Yeoman, 2001). Since its inception in the 1970s, rap album sales
approximated 81 million in 1999, making rap the fastest growing music
genre in the United States (Salon Brilliant Careers, 1999).

Just as there are numerous forms of hip-hop expression, there are many
categories of rap (Hall, 1998; Powell, 1991). For example, Hall (1998)
presents four kinds of rap music and artists: gangsta (e.g., Snoop
Doggy Dogg), hip-hop (e.g., Fugees), political (e.g., Public Enemy),
and commercial (e.g., MC Hammer). Among the many forms of rap music,
gangsta rap consistently contains the most violent lyrics. However,
not all violence is equal. In the case of violence perpetuated on
youth by police, artists may be crying out for justice. On the other
hand, promoting gang members to kill rival gang members may be a
qualitatively different type of expression. The larger point is that
without critical dialogue with the creators of rap music and its
genre, it is difficult if not impossible for outsiders who are in many
cases non-African American and/or not economically disadvantaged, to
place lyrics in the intended context.

Gangsta rap emerged when the rap group Niggaz With Attitudes (N.W.A.)
released their 1988 album entitled Straight Outta Compton.
Unapologetic voices provided explicit accounts of violence, death,
drugs, and despair-the daily reality of many poor, urban-- dwelling
youth. Predictably, the public concentrated on the songs' perceived
deleterious effects. The belief that gangsta rap lyrics increased the
incidents of male aggression in general (Ballard & Coates, 1995), and
sexual aggression in particular, shaped much of the discussion. While
there is no conclusive evidence demonstrating a causal relationship
between rap lyrics and violent antisocial behavior, there is
substantial statistical and sociological data corroborating the
violent contexts many of the lyricists chronicle. Tupac Shakur's
words, among others, map the violence, hopelessness, and despair from
which many gangsta rappers emerge. Social, political, and economic
factors disproportionately work against certain groups in search of a
better future and, as such, notions of cultural capital and social
reproduction cycles are relevant to this discussion.

RAP, CULTURAL CAPITAL AND SOCIAL REPRODUCTION

Bourdieu's (1977) notions of cultural capital as well as cultural
goods help explain the preoccupation with rap music lyrics within a
culture replete with violence. The creation of the art form and the
associated capitalistic tug-of-war over profits is a function of the
creation of an alternative to the hypocrisy of the dominant cultural
norms. While rhetorically violence is condemned, it is clearly
considered a profitable venture and rewarded in all forms of
entertainment media.

Social capital in the Bourdieu (1977) tradition refers to the skill
sets, practices, and mores esteemed by the dominant social group.
Culture and its varied aspects are socially constructed, defined, and
controlled by the dominant empowered group (Gordon, 1999; Richardson,
2002). Social capital groups the valued skills and practices into the,
"composite profile individuals bring to the market that would include,
for example, education, economic resources and familiarity with
marketplace norms and expectations" (Richardson, 2002, p. 54).
Subsequently, power is an outgrowth and benefit of membership as the
dominant group applies its understanding and possession of at least
some of the esteemed practices or goods. The cyclical relationship
between access and opportunity yielding more access and opportunity is
the social reproduction phenomenon (Richardson, 2002).

Rappers could be considered outsiders (possessing minimal social
capital) given their race and socioeconomic status. Rather than
ignoring the social inequities that persisted in their neighborhoods,
rappers became the ultimate capitalists (copying the dominant cultures
strategies) by creating and owning a music form designed to expose
inequities and social contradictions. In an economic sense, what rap
and hip-hop artists have done, is apply the capitalistic skills and
networks valued by society to catapult themselves into media moguls.
Further, not only did rap artists benefit, but so did the mainstream
corporate sponsors eager to sign radical artists, once the popularity
of rap was well-established (Stephaney, 1999). It appears that the
more negative press rappers receive, the more popular rap-related
products have become to White youth in particular who have significant
purchasing power. Baggy pants, shoes, hairstyles, tattoos, and jewelry
are emblematic of the popularity of rap-related products. Further,
violence because of its prevalence in all forms of media can be
considered a valued commodity or at least a useful marketing tool to
increase sales. As the FTC (2000) report so eloquently discusses, the
more violent the entertainment content, the greater the appeal to
youth. As a result, rap artists capitalized on what society truly
valued and paid the price of increased scrutiny as they amassed wealth
and fame.

In another sense, the lyrics of rap artists are born of the systemic
disenfranchisement felt by those who have been unable to secure the
levels of adequate education, employment, housing, and police
protection afforded their upper income Caucasian counterparts. Thus,
in the case of rap, historic exclusion from social capital gave birth
to a social construction that coexists with the dominant culture,
borrowing nece\ssary aspects to progress, but remaining grounded in a
type of counter-culture.

RAP IN THE SCHOLARLY LITERATURE

The critique of hip-hop and rap has become a popular scholarly topic.
Perkins' (1996) edited book provides a historical analysis and attends
to some of the controversies inherent in the movement and the
music-White artists, women as objects, derogatory language, and
promotion of debauchery. As an overview to some of these contestable
points, many of the essays in his book rely on outsider perceptions.

Despite the differential critiques of rap music and hip-hop culture,
most discussions of rap and/or hip-hip describe the musical and
cultural expressiveness as: a monolithic scourge on society
contributing to the downfall of the "our" youth; a sociopolitical
vehicle, replete with possibilities of a postmodern Black community
based revolution; or, an artistic expression that can best be
understood through academic microanalysis. These narrow categories
tend to prioritize the critics' and interpreters' voices rather than
the artists creating the objects for analysis-the lyrics.

A limited number of hip-hop and rap studies have examined rap as a
social phenomenon manifesting the cultural resiliency of Black
America. Examination of the integration of African American discourse
practices (e.g., African American language, semantic inversion) rap
music is categorized by Smitherman (1997) as a, "cultural evolution of
the Black oral tradition and the construction of contemporary
resistance rhetoric" (p. 21). She highlights how rap demonstrates the
intersecting lines between language, history, culture, and self within
Black America. Further, Smitherman (1997) describes the contribution
of rap and hip-hop as a response to the noted author James Baldwin's
(1992) challenge for artists to disturb the peace. Given its
popularity and economic profitability, one could argue that rap music
and its genre have been quite successful in fulfilling Baldwin
request.

Dimitriadis (2001), Dyson (1995), hooks (1994), and Rose (1994), among
others, collaboratively work with rappers to explore the deeper
sociological significance of their messages. Given society's treatment
of children, particularly Black youngsters, these heuristic approaches
stand out. While Rose (1991) tends to analyze rap music and highlight
its connection to certain Black American traditions, she also pays
attention to the social, cultural, and artistic dimensions of the
music and the movement. Similar to Potter (1995) and Dyson (1995),
Rose defends rap with a clearly defined heuristic framework including
the voices of the participants of whom she speaks. More recent works
(see Dimitriadis, 2001), follow in Rose's ethnographic tradition to
explore the effects of hip-hop on self and communal identity
formation. Rose does not give voice to the artists-a method many
researchers slip into when presenting their participants' perspective.
Rather, she provides a space in which their voices can be heard and
appreciated by a normally critical public-academe.

Some researchers have argued that society in some ways, needs rap
music-no matter how seemingly misogynous, hypermaterialistic, and
hedonistic-to illustrate cultural norms of the urban poor. As hooks
(1994) explains, a lack of critical evaluation of the roots of rap
music allows mainstream White culture to avoid challenging the culture
of violence it engenders. The point that gangsta rap is "a reflection
of the prevailing values in our society, values created and sustained
by White supremacist capitalism patriarchy" (hooks, 1994, p. 116),
remains narrowly understood. The most well-meaning critiques often
limit themselves to intracultural commentaries. Controversies abound
with respect to White artist imitation of Black art (e.g., Beastie
Boys, Vanilla Ice, Cyprus Hill, Eminem), women as sex objects,
derogatory language, blatant sexuality, and promotion of debauchery
(see Perkins, 1996 for example), but fail to contextualize the real
issues behind these topics and hide behind academic jargon (see
Potter, 1995).

As the current form of intergroup dialectic for the youth culture
(Pine, 1999), rappers are the contemporary Black culture's griots
(Smitherman, 1997). The culture of hip-hop has become the nexus from
which youth (particularly lower income Black youngsters) can create
their values, define their selfhood, and express their heightened
consciousness of violence and its implications against a social
backdrop that has historically devalued their color and contributions.
Rappers, even the most graphic, often become cultural ethnographers
systematically silenced due to their social and cultural
disenfranchisement and further censored for describing the effects of
their marginalization.

Rap and Hip-Hop artists have not waited for acceptance to embrace
publications as another means of challenging mainstream perceptions.
Popular magazines (e.g. Vibe, URB, XXL, The Source) and books provide
a forum for artists to answer critics, voice their positions and
diversify their media empires. Several examples of books written by
rap artists include: "I Make My Own Rules (Parental Advisory)" by LL
Cool J with Karen Hunter (1998) published by Doherly, Tom Associates
LLC; "Life & Def: Sex, Drugs, Money & God", by Russell Simmons and
Nelson George (2002) published by Crown Publishing Group; Ladies
First: Revelations of a Strong Woman" by Queen Latifah (1998)
published by Morrow, William and Company; and, "Fight the Power: Rap,
Race & Reality" by Chuck D. Chuck with Yusuf Jah (1998) published by
Dell Publishing Company. Perhaps one of the reasons artists branched
into print media is because of the absence of ongoing dialogues
between rap artists and scholars.

The majority of studies about rap music and its progeny are not
collaborative efforts between researchers (writers) and subject of the
writing (rappers). Despite important exceptions (Dyson, 1994, hooks,
1994; Rose, 1994; Smitherman, 1997), central to prevailing research
perspectives is the belief that youngsters are unfinished products,
immature, untrustworthy sources of data that can only be understood by
their deficiencies (Alanen, 1994; Mandell, 1991; Oakley, 1994;
Waksler, 1991). It is much easier to essentialize youth and avoid
attending to the diversity of childhood experiences. African American
youth's experiences and voices have been historically trivialized and
homogenized into violent, deficient, anti-intellectual
characterizations. It is ironic that these seemingly voiceless
individuals have sufficient ability to create and maintain a
multimillion-dollar industry. As the subject of articles and books, it
is little wonder that many of the young Black artists look to rap
music to express their developing consciousness and gain profit.

POLITICAL AND JUDICIAL SCRUTINY OF RAP

Anxiety associated with lyrics and gangsta rap in particular became a
hot political topic in the early 1990s. Gangsta rap's emergence and
popularity coincided with national elections and sparked what has now
been termed a "cultural war." Incensed by the lyrics of Ice T's song
"Cop Killer" on the Time Warner label, police groups publicly
advocated divestiture of company stock. Boisterous condemnation also
came from Former Republican Congressman Newt Gingrich who suggested
boycotts of radio stations that played "vicious" music, which he
identified specifically as rap music. Not to be left out of the rising
controversy, presidential candidate William Clinton denounced Sister
Souljah lyrics (Johnson, 1999; Ogbar, 1999).

In some ways, gangsta rap's profile rose significantly when it became
the subject of political rhetoric and referred to as the antithesis of
"family values." One of the most comprehensive hearings focusing on
rap lyrics and its violent content was held in 1994. The Senate
Juvenile Justice Subcommittee (1994) convened hearings, entitled
Shaping Our Responses to Violent and Demeaning Imagery in Popular
Music (p. 1). Testimony was heard from members of Congress,
professors, members of the recording industry, public health
professionals, and various advocate groups. While implying an interest
in violence in popular music, testimony was almost exclusively devoted
to commentary on gangsta rap lyrics and hip-hop culture.

Wisconsin Democratic Senator Herbert Kohl (1994) was careful to voice
the Senate Juvenile Justice Subcommittee's concern as the message
conveyed in lyrics rather than "the color of the messengers" (p. 1).
This proclamation, however, appeared to be disingenuous, since
overwhelmingly testimony focused on African American rap artists and
their music. No more than cursory references were made to heavy metal
music or its content.

Not all persons who testified viewed rap from the same perspective. In
his testimony before the Senate Juvenile Justice Subcommittee, Dr.
Robert Phillips (1994), Deputy Medical Director of the American
Psychiatric Association reminded participants that rap was merely the
latest iteration of themes prevalent in popular culture. The problem
was the prevalence of poverty and the despair it nurtured. Further,
while not condoning the language, Congresswoman Maxine Waters (1994 a
California Democrat, testified:

I don't encourage the use of obscenities. I just think we should stop
pretending that we are hearing them for the first time .... Let's not
lose sight of what the real problem is. It is not the words being
used. It is the reality they are rapping about. (p. 3)

Despite calls for consideration of the underlying social inequities as
the breeding ground for discontent, participants such as Dr. C.
Delores Tucker (1994), Chair of the National Political Congress of
Black Women, Inc., claimed that if unleashed, gangsta rap would
"trigger a crime wave of epidemic proportions" (p. 11). Perhaps as
researcher Michael Eric Dyson (1995) pointed out, "Gangsta rap's
greatest sin may be that it tells the truth about practices and
bel\iefs that rappers hold" (p. 3).

Some observers view rap music as a victim of over scrutiny (such as
the aforementioned hearing) precisely because it is a political
commentary in its own right. Restated, rap music is part of a
political cultural movement (Arads, 1999), which some describe as a
civil and human rights activity. Another opinion holds, that lyrics
serve as a form of education, teaching Black youth a powerful lesson
of "solidarity and emotional reinforcement" (Powell, 1991, p. 245).
However, without critical consciousness of its impact and potential,
many of the listeners accept the described violence as normal in lower
income Black communities. This seems to serve the dominant culture
well, shifting attention away from equally disturbing musical forms
and maintaining the images of the violent Black community that cannot
be assisted.

Claims that violent rap lyrics impair the judgment of youth are being
used as a judicial defense in court cases. In 1995, the Connecticut
Supreme Court heard Morascini v. Sullivan, which dealt with the
overzealous assignment of police officers to a 2 Live Crew concert.
The major issue in the case was the cost of the police assigned. The
Commissioner of Public Safety in Connecticut was accused of
operationalizing his personal bias against rap artists and the concert
attendees (Scheffey, 1995).

Another example of judicial involvement with rap culture relates to
the application of the clear and present danger tests (CPD) as a
defense. Supreme Court Justice Oliver W. Holmes (as cited in Dow,
1998) believes that some language undermines democracy and as such
should be punished by government. CPD is a different premise than
freedom of speech, which presumes that negative words do not
necessarily translate into lawless behavior. A rap-related test of CPD
came in the case of Ronald Howard. Mr. Howard was listening to Tupac
Shakur songs in his car when he was pulled over by a police officer.
Mr. Howard pulled out a semiautomatic weapon and murdered the
investigating officer at point blank range. In an attempt to avoid the
death penalty (and apply the CPD test), attorneys entered the defense
that Mr. Howard's capacity to make a rational decision had been
diminished because of Tupac's lyrics (Dow, 1998). Using a, "the music
made me do it" defense did not work and Mr. Howard was sentenced to
death. However, the use of gangster rap lyrics as a force capable of
diminishing the capacity of a listener lends credence to the
perception that rap lyrics promote and encourage violent behavior.

CAPITALISM AND RAP

Rather than detracting from the appeal of rap, the legal, legislative
and media attention may have fueled its popularity among America's
youth. As a result, a music genre whose beginnings were in garages and
basements, and whose records were initially peddled from the trunks of
cars quickly turned into a multimillion-dollar industry (Stephaney,
1999).

As previously noted, the $1.8 million in music industry sales in 2000
account for only rap music sales (Rose, 2001). Merchandise,
publications, concerts, and movie revenues reflect examples of the
growing influence and profit potential associated with rap. African
American artists' creation of an innovative music form is not a
contemporary phenomenon. What is novel, however, is the progenitors of
this new music form reap a significant portion of the financial
benefits their creativity has yielded. Blues, jazz, and rock and roll
reflected the heartaches and transformative personas of Americans of
African descent. James Brown's 1969 release "Say it loud, I'm Black
and I'm Proud" became an anthem of self-validation in the midst of a
movement to secure civil rights. Miles Davis (1960s-1980s) and John
Coltrane (1950s-early 1960s) reflected the energy and complexity of
urban life and mass migration. Unfortunately, more often than not,
White entertainers through imitation, distortion, or self-serving
copyright filing, reaped the benefits at the expense of Black
innovators (Greene, 1999).

Conversely, young rap artists created their own companies (now
empires) in their garages, basements, and homes. Rap artists created
distribution networks completely outside of the White mainstream
recording sector, which, once establish, were sold to major corporate
concerns. As such, the money that used to go exclusively to White
executives and producers now was and is in the pockets of the creators
for the first time in the history of African Americans musicians.

Rap recording artists, Rick Rubin and Russell Simmons' Def Jam, Dr.
Dre and Suge Knight's Death Row Records, and Sean "Puffy" Combs'
(a.k.a. P. Diddy) Bad Boy Entertainment, and Master P's No Limit
Records represent just a few of the rap artists turned
multimillionaire entrepreneurs (Considine, 1999; Stephaney, 1999).
Another example is Queen Latifah-one of the first female rappers to
convert her early success into an empire. Her label and talent agency,
Flavor Unit Records and Flavor Unit Management, represent artists and
serve as a production company for other ventures. She has established
herself as an actress in films such as Set it Off and Living Out Loud,
on the long-running sitcom Living Single, and as a talk show host and
author (Jamison, 1999).

REFLECTIONS

While not professing to be an exhaustive social, economic, legal, and
political examination of rap music, this article sought to place rap
music and its artists in a context rarely seen in the literature.
Exploring the prevailing literature and its shortcomings represent
only a first step. There is clearly a need to consider conditions that
made youth frustrated enough to create rap music. Rap music is
America's child, born of the inadequate remediation of social
inequities. As offensive as some lyrics may be, they speak the "truth"
as constructed by an isolated Black urban youth culture in a land of
plenty. Given the pervasive exposure to violence and poverty in
particular, it is reasonable to assume that gangsta rappers might feel
as Tupac, "It's just me against the world." Rap music deserves
in-depth study that engages the artists in dialogue because of its
broad appeal, its influence, the social ills lyrics bring to our
attention and perhaps most importantly because rap artists have
demonstrated a type of integrity, which married entrepreneurship and
creativity.

The pivotal hypocrisy is that this art form is disparaged without a
critical evaluation of society's role in creating this level of
hopelessness. Amidst the despair, gangsta rap breathes life into the
inequities substantiated in statistical data and perpetrated against
Black urban youth. Within this framework, gangsta rap does not
initiate violence. Instead, the verbalizations of violence call
attention to structural and cultural injustices of the larger social
system in America. In a broad sense, gangsta rap provides a much-
needed space in which the impoverished Black community can reshape
itself (George, 1994). Youth affinity for actual or fanaticized
violence is a result of the collective failure of our societal
institutions including our government, businesses, families, social
welfare agencies, schools, and religious institutions (CDF, 2002b;
Federal Interagency Forum on Child and Family Statistics, 2000; CPYV,
2000).

Despite age, race, and gender discrimination rappers' success
exemplifies an uncanny ability to command the youth culture's
attention and resources. Society may do well to recognize the potency
of Black youth culture evidenced through the hip-hop movement. Instead
of silencing their voices to which their peers are attentively
listening, more researchers and writers need to tap into the knowledge
of the artists and engage in a meaningful critical conversation. As
pivotal members of the youth culture, many of the artists play crucial
roles in shaping the future society's values, collective
consciousness, and cultural pursuits. If the economics of hip-hop
culture are any indication, the social marginalization and attack on
rap music may create a new powerful group of disenfranchised, angry,
monetarily, and politically influential citizens.

Until America comes to understand that violence in the form of poverty
and deprivation against children is an injustice to all, hope for
curbing violence in the Black community in a traditional sense seems
unlikely. Relative to the artists, there is no denying that rap music
and the hip-hop culture have carried many impoverished Black youth to
unanticipated economic heights. Unfortunately, notoriety and economic
mobility, notwithstanding, the general response to rap music has also
allowed another Black youth culture to mature without heightening
their critical consciousness. That many of these artists without
formal musical training command both the throngs of concert goers and
their pocketbooks reflect the potential of Black youth. However, how
the artists make sense of their journeys as young African Americans in
a society that historically and systematically devalued their
Blackness seems to be missing from conversations with and about the
artists. The absence of this question allows young rap artists to
continue without reflection, uncritical paths and indirectly endorses
society's demonization of Black youth and culture.

There is a symbiosis between violent reactions in rap music and a
culture that rewards violent expressions. Writers, researchers, and
scholars continue to be incensed by the counter hegemonic dimensions
of this new art form, elated that the music is a cultural elixir for
Black communities, or intellectually engaged in dismantling the lyrics
in the name of scholarship. Meanwhile the youth culture continues to
create a music trajectory replete with money, popularity, and fame.
Dialogue with an emphasis on self-evaluation seems conspicuously
absent. It is precisely this point-this failure to facilitate a
dialectical approach to the evolution of and reaction to rap \music
and hip-hop-that allows our youth to prioritize economic gain and fame
over self-reflection and critical thinking. It is the adultist
society's rejection of anything related to African American youth
culture that allows youngsters to remain culturally insulated.

Rap music has drawn attention to the subjugated life and senseless
violence the mainstream culture attempts to normalize, and more
importantly, rap and its progeny have served as an emancipatory tool
allowing Black urban youth previously systematically silenced, to name
the injustices of poverty and their subjugation. In the end, to
liberate ourselves from the diseased culture of violence, we must
refuse to accept it and seek alternative songs of transformation,
empowerment, and self-determination.

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Jeanita W. Richardson & Kim A. Scott*

*Jeanita W. Richardson, Senior Policy Analyst, State Council for
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Copyright Howard University Summer 2002